If ever there was a time to put aside partisan politics, you’d think it would be now, as the United States faces the COVID-19 virus. (When the American Mecca, Disney World, closes, you know times are tough.) Instead, partisan politics are raging, especially in the White House, as President Trump implausibly blames his predecessor, Barack Obama, for the chaotic response by the Trump administration. (Will “Crooked Hillary” be blamed next?)
Americans need to come together, and I think we are; Bernie Sanders gave a fine speech emphasizing science and teamwork as well as compassion and aid for those who lose their jobs and so on. We need a much better testing regimen and we need to give doctors and health care personnel the resources they need to do their jobs.
But as I read David Lauter (LA Times Essential Politics), I despaired at the games being played as America faces a serious health crisis. Here’s what Lauter had to say:
The Democrats have made clear what their line of attack will be: As Biden showed, they’re poised to say that while Trump didn’t cause the coronavirus outbreak, he made it worse by cutting government agencies designed to deal with epidemics and by refusing to take the advice of health officials and act aggressively to counter the illness when he could.
What Biden offers voters, Doyle McManus wrote, is a return to normalcy.
Trump has also tipped his hand on his likely response: Portray the disease as a foreign threat.
In his address to the nation Wednesday night, Trump repeatedly used rhetoric of a foreign invasion to describe the virus, as Noah Bierman wrote. His main policy response was to ban Europeans from traveling to the U.S., blaming them for having “seeded” many of the disease outbreaks in this country.
The speech did nothing to calm markets — indeed it roiled them further, as Bierman and Eli Stokols wrote. But it did provide a preview of Trump’s likely path.
Since the first moments of his astonishing political rise, with his opening blast against Mexican rapists, Trump has campaigned against immigrants and foreigners. And, despite much talk about blue-collar workers voting for him because of economic distress, the overwhelming weight of evidence is that opposition to immigration, concern about the changing demographics of the country and a belief that white Americans face discrimination form the biggest factors in predicting a person’s support for Trump.
In 2018, faced with the prospect that Republicans would lose control of the House, Trump tried to turn the election into a referendum on the supposed threat of immigrant caravans moving north through Mexico — a specter that largely evaporated soon after the election.
In 2020, deprived of the chance to campaign on economic prosperity and a rising stock market, it’s near certain that he will return to the theme that has powered his rise.
That approach might not work. His effort failed spectacularly in 2018 as suburban voters turned against Trump in droves. But Democrats would be wise to avoid overconfidence: The history of epidemics is also a history of xenophobia.
It would be a disaster if COVID-19 led to yet more fears of “foreigners,” however defined.
If anything, a threat like COVID-19 should remind us of our common humanity. We are all vulnerable, and the smart way to meet this threat is to remain calm, to work together, and to listen to the experts.
Sure, the people who’ve botched America’s response so far should be held accountable. But let’s first and foremost get a grip on the virus itself and stop its spread. Because one thing is certain: partisan politics won’t stop a pandemic. It’ll just make a bad situation worse.